The Far-Right Vorfeld and Its Ideological Influence on the AfD

Philipp Adorf

University of Bonn

Philipp Adorf is a research associate at the University of Bonn, specializing in the Republican Party and the influence of demographic changes on its radicalization and electoral dynamics in the United States. His scholarly work includes How the South Was Won and the Nation Lost, which examines the history and political consequences of the Republican Party’s Southern Strategy, and Die Republikanische Partei in den USA, a comprehensive German-language history of the party. He has also analyzed the rise of the Alternative for Germany (AfD) and the success of right-wing populist parties among the white working class, as detailed in his article “A New Blue-Collar Force: The Alternative for Germany and the Working Class” published in German Politics and Society in 2018. Additionally, he has co-edited compendiums on U.S. democracy (Die USA—eine scheiternde Demokratie?) and right-wing populism (Aufstand der Außenseiter). Currently, he is working on an edited volume examining the far right’s challenge to the American political system, as well as a book exploring conspiracism and its metapolitical mainstreaming through right-wing actors.

Compared to other contemporary German parties, the Alternative für Deutschland (Alternative for Germany, AfD) is profoundly influenced by external actors operating outside its formal institutional structure. This dynamic reflects the party’s relative youth, which has resulted in an ongoing struggle of different factions—comprised for example of far-right activists and intellectuals—for ideological and personnel influence as well as attempts to position themselves as ideological vanguards.

Increasingly influential are actors of the far-right Vorfeld, an ideological incubator with a twofold goal: to legitimize radical policy positions and mainstream them within public discourse. Acting largely outside of the realm of political party institutions, said Vorfeld sees itself as a “movement [that] must take the lead [ahead of the political party] and be active in shaping public consciousness.”

Central to this effort are far-right think tanks like the now-disbanded Institut für Staatspolitik (IfS), which provided an intellectual foundation for the ideology and strategy of the AfD’s right-wing fringe. Arguably the best example of the Vorfeld’s successful efforts in mainstreaming its political preferences is the concept of “remigration,” a term popularized in particular by Identitarian figures such as Martin Sellner before its recent widespread adoption by the AfD.

Gramscian strategies and the New Right’s metapolitics

The Identitarian movement’s assessment of how to best enact political changes aligns with a broader strategy employed by post-war far-right movements: the prioritization of cultural and societal transformation over immediate electoral gains. While electoral majorities may be temporary, deeper ideological shifts create enduring political realities, influencing even mainstream parties as they adjust to a more migration-skeptical electorate. To achieve this, the far right has borrowed from theories and strategies of the political left—most notably Antonio Gramsci, who argued that “every revolution has been preceded by an intense labor of criticism, by the diffusion of culture and the spread of ideas among masses of men” that forms the basis for a new political hegemony.

This “metapolitical” strategy closely aligns with the far-right concept of Vorfeldarbeit, preparing the ideological terrain so that far-right policy proposals gain broader acceptance. Rather than focusing solely on electoral success, metapolitical actors seek to reshape cultural norms and intellectual discourse, ensuring that their worldview becomes embedded within society. This approach intends to challenge what the far right perceives as a liberal-left cultural dominance by constructing a “counter-hegemony” through intellectual discourse, education, media channels, and other societal institutions that are tasked with disseminating far-right ideas.

Remigration: Mainstreaming mass deportations

When it comes to advancing the far right’s metapolitical strategy, Austrian Identitarian Martin Sellner has been a central figure. And in no area is that more apparent than the topic of “remigration.” For Sellner, remigration is not merely the strict enforcement of deportation laws but a comprehensive demographic project aimed at reversing what he describes as “Überfremdung” (ethnic and cultural alienation) in Europe. In his 2023 book Remigration: Ein Vorschlag (A Proposal), he presents the concept as an existential necessity, declaring: “There is no right-wing politics without remigration.” The concept’s significance extends beyond the far right, however, as Sellner contends that “[Remigration] must become the central agenda of German politics, or there will be no German politics in the future.”

Far-right intellectuals and activists continue to prioritize long-term cultural transformation as the key to securing political hegemony.

At its core, remigration functions as a counter-narrative to the dominant liberal discourse, which Sellner argues portrays migration almost exclusively as both economically beneficial and culturally enriching. Sellner expands the term beyond conventional deportation policies, redefining it as an overarching framework for a far-right demographic and identity policy. The objective is not merely to remove individuals without legal residency but to cultivate a political climate in which large-scale deportations are not only feasible but broadly accepted if not even deemed desirable by a majority of the population. This could also extend to non-native citizens considered to have insufficiently assimilated into European countries.

While confident that remigration will gain in popularity, Sellner acknowledges that the far right faces an entrenched and powerful ideological opponent whose capacity to shape public opinion still far outweighs that of the right-wing camp. He articulates this struggle through the metaphor of a “climate control system for public opinion” (Meinungsklimaanlage). In his view, public sentiment is naturally “heated” by what he terms “ethnic shocks”: violent crimes or terrorist attacks committed by migrants. However, Sellner argues that the media, alongside civil society organizations, acts as a cooling mechanism, dissipating public outrage and preventing a lasting shift in political attitudes. This hegemonic system is pervasive, with a strength attributed to its near-total institutional dominance: the mass media, schools, universities, churches, labor unions, and the entertainment industry are the key instruments of left-liberal hegemony, suppressing right-wing mobilization.

This conviction in an all-encompassing institutional conspiracy underpins the Identitarian movement’s broader metapolitical strategy—emphasizing that the real struggle lies not in immediate political victories, but in reshaping cultural norms and intellectual discourse to ensure that the “climate control” mechanisms of the left no longer resonate among the wider public.

Metapolitical success: The AfD’s stance on remigration

Recent developments within the AfD illustrate the extent to which the strategy of the Vorfeld is bearing fruit. The AfD initially began using the term “remigration” more extensively in 2023, with it appearing in social media campaigns and some documents by state party branches, usually framed as enforcing deportations of rejected asylum seekers and criminal non-citizens. However, the party’s stance grew more cautious following revelations of a meeting between AfD members and Sellner in late 2023 at a small conference, where discussions reportedly included deporting “non-assimilated” citizens. Public outcry prompted the party to temporarily downplay the term, only to reintroduce it ahead of the 2024 state elections in eastern Germany. By January 2025, remigration resurfaced in the AfD’s federal election program after a previous draft had failed to include it, with co-leader Alice Weidel defiantly asserting that if deporting foreigners with a criminal record or asylum seekers whose claims had been rejected “is called remigration, then so be it!”

This ambiguity reflects a strategic balancing act within the far right. Officially, the AfD defines remigration as a lawful measure to remove individuals without residency rights, in no small part since calls to strip Germans with a “migrant background” of their citizenship could contribute to a ban of the party through the constitutional court. Yet identitarian thinkers envision remigration as a demographic safeguard for Europe’s “white majorities,” transcending legal technicalities. Given the success the ethnonationalist Vorfeld has had in recent years in drawing the party closer to the ideological right, it does not seem far-fetched that their broader definition of remigration may become ever more popular even within the upper echelons of the AfD, especially if the specter of a party ban fades.

Conclusion: Will right-wing metapolitics define the AfD—and subsequently German public opinion?

The influence of the far-right Vorfeld on the AfD underscores the importance of metapolitical strategies in shaping contemporary right-wing movements. While electoral politics remains a battleground, far-right intellectuals and activists continue to prioritize long-term cultural transformation as the key to securing political hegemony. By embedding concepts like remigration into public discourse, identitarians aim to reshape societal norms, rendering extremist policies palatable. As the AfD moves further to the right, the growing entanglement between the party and far-right intellectual networks suggests the role of forces beyond formal party structures in shaping the AfD’s ideology is likely to become even more pronounced.